“[…]
labour, is the worker’s own life-activity, the manifestation of his own life.
And this life-activity he sells to another person in order to secure the
necessary means of subsistence” (Marx 204)
On April 7th, 2014, a group of
anarchists positioned themselves outside of the home of Kevin Rose, a partner
at Google Ventures. Their demands? 3 billion dollars. Why? Because venture
capitalists like Kevin Rose “literally design and implement [an] entire
exploitive system”. The anarchists expressed grievances of being part of the
situation of dehumanizing menial labour that techies and other entrepreneurs
have created in the Bay Area through gentrification. “Tech is now about
creating and selling the new indispensable commodity that everyone must have in
order to be less bored, less lost, less ridden with anxiety.”
It should come as no surprise that
economic relations like those mentioned by Karl Marx are part of this
inescapable reality and commands the daily lives of ordinary working people.
Furthermore, it can be argued that such relations are so profoundly rooted
within a capitalist society such as ours that they account for the foundation
of class struggle, and penetrate into our political realm. Who is to blame for
the state of relations between different social classes? How is the value of
the labor produced by the worker determined?
Karl Marx formulates an ideology about
society, economics, and politics with the wage laborer (proletariat) at the focus
undergoing class struggle with the capitalist class (bourgeoisie). Marxism, as
it is known, asserts that all history has been a history of the struggle
between the exploited and exploiting; only by overthrowing the capitalist class
and giving power to the proletariat will the world be freed from their exploitation
(Marx 472). Until then, the worker “works in order to live,” and sees labor not
“as part of his life, […] [but] rather a sacrifice of his life” (Marx 204). The
capitalist class will continue to “buy their labour with money” and the
proletariat will sell to the capitalist “their labor for money” at the price
that is “required for maintaining the worker as a worker and of developing him
into a worker” (Marx 204-6).
Marx wrote “Wage Labor and Capital,”
and “The Communist Manifesto” during the mid and late-19th century,
respectively, in a time where the worker accumulated wages through physical
labor. Since then, there have been vast transformations of industries,
including that of the technological. We have been introduced to a new economy –
the digital economy – whereby new types of workers and technologies have
emerged and reimagined our means of communication, as well as the means of
capital accumulation through knowledge production. The question by the
capitalists then becomes, how can we
extract value from the collective intelligence? And from that, can Marxist
theory tell us anything about the new work that is being performed by
technology workers? According to authors such as Soren Mork Petersen in “Loser
Generated Content: From Participation to Exploitation,” while Web 2.0 has
fostered “democracy, participation, joy, [and] creativity,” it has also enabled
companies to “piggyback on user generated content” (Petersen). Free labor by
the users comes in the form of the social relations that they publicly
establish by way of social media platforms. “We need to acknowledge that
relations of subjectivity, everyday life, technology, media and publics also
are related to dimensions of capitalism” (Petersen). Arvidsson and Colleoni
grapple with recent application of Marxism’s theory of value in examining
online prosumer practices in their article, “Value in Informational Capitalism
and on the Internet”. They argue that the theory is difficult to apply to these
practices due to its poor relation to time and the differentiation between
accumulated value of social media in financial markets rather than direct
commodity exchange (Arvidsson and Colleoni 135). Anyone who produces content
online becomes part of a common exploited class by companies such as Google or
Facebook, which depend highly on the activity of their users; “value creation
in informational capitalism builds ever more on the ability of corporations to
appropriate […] common resources. (Arvidsson and Colleoni 136). While the
authors disagree that the labor theory of value is completely applicable to
their argument, they drew on some of it’s elements that could be incorporated. Tiziana
Terranova, in her article “Free Labor: Producing Culture for the Digital
Economy” argues that the notion of “free labor” relies on external actors that
will not be paid for what they do such as create content on social media sites.
Of free labor, Marx similarly wrote, “Labour was not always wage labour, that
is, free labour. The slave did not sell his labour power any more to the slave
owner, any more than the ox sells its services to the peasant” (Marx 205).
While all of these authors provide some reference to Marxian concepts with
regards to wage/free labor, they acknowledge that particular factors prevent an
overall application of the theory into their arguments.
Marx does a thorough job of creating
a worker-centered theory that critically examines the world through the
perspective of the proletariat. While it provides an effective alternative
understanding to political and economic relations between social classes, like
the other authors we read for this week, there are certainly exceptions to
Marxist theory on the value of wage labor.
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