Thursday, May 22, 2014

Moving Library Books Off-Site: Situating the Trend within the Larger Landscape of Information Availability


by Robert D. Montoya

The functions of libraries seem to be changing. Some of the relatively quiet real estate previously occupied by stacks of books has been transformed into the central hub of campus activity. The once labyrinthian endless rows of knowledge are slowly transforming into spaces where collaborative projects exhibit the use of new modes of­­ technological innovation and investigation. In order to create these new spaces, libraries have devised methods of moving these under (or never) used material to off-site climate-controlled storage. The student, faculty, and public responses to this relocation have been lukewarm at best. The recent uproar over the potential transfer of some three million books from the New York Public Library (NYPL) to a storage facility in New Jersey is good representation of this ongoing debate (Burdick 2014). While the NYPL about-faced on this proposition, the concern expressed by the public is indicative of an increased fear over a lack of access to information. Reasons for transferring books are often financial in nature and mounds of circulation statistics and data are often published to justify such changes. In this post I wish to explicate this tension through the lens of Gayatri Spivak’s notion of the subaltern as well as by using Spivak’s technique of deconstruction to interrogate what it means to ‘access’ library material. I propose deconstructing the relationship between access and non-access in the library setting, focusing on how moving books off-site has the potential to endanger free and anonymous paths to information. Furthermore, by limiting immediate access to library material, institutions are potentially eradicating the one public space where the subaltern segment of the population has the potential to use such information to gain a receptive voice.
Before proceeding, I should establish two working definitions for concepts of the ‘subaltern’ and ‘deconstruction’ as used in this post. A term that gained great traction in Gayatri Spivak’s piece titled, “Can the Subaltern Speak,” the subaltern is generally understood as an individual or group within society whose voice (or collective voice) is not heard or represented in a social context. By definition, the subaltern is not heard, and is thus unable to be either politically represented or “spoken for” by any other segment of the population (Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin 2006, 29–32). In the context of this blog, I see the subaltern population as a segment of the community that may need to utilize library sources in order to gain a listened-to voice in society.
Deconstruction is a method of textual analysis (broadly defined) that arises from Jaques Derrida’s Of Grammatology, translated with an introduction by Spivak in 1967. In deconstructing a concept or text, one is to identify a binary opposition in order to tease out the “hierarchical concept[s]” inherent in the relationship—where one concept is seen as subordinate to the other (Leckie, Given, and Buschman 2010, 296; Derrida and Spivak 1998, xi). Then, by focusing discussion on the subordinate term, we break down the power relationships by exposing the constructed nature of the relationship, and showing that this relationship need not proceed as it has been conceived. Taking access/non-access as our binary example in this post, the goal is to examine the access from the perspective of those that cannot gain access (non-access) in order to show that institutional choices are not always in line with the optimal forms of access for underrepresented, subaltern members of the community.

            Numerous universities across the United States have chosen to repurpose underutilized library space for collaborative and multi-use purposes. In 2007, Georgia Tech Library “received the Association of College and Research Libraries' (ACRL) ‘University Library of Excellence’ award,” proving to be a model for library renovations across the country (Fox and Stuart).  What were once drab rows of chairs and tables are now active computer terminals, multimedia centers, and peer-to-peer consultation spaces, which proved incredibly successful and dynamic in use. While Georgia Tech generally repurposed areas that were already existing study spaces, some libraries have decided to relocate book stacks in order to make room for these collaborative learning spaces. Southwestern Michigan College (SMC), for example, transformed an “existing 1960s layout featuring traditional hushed space occupied by tall book stacks” into a “vibrant, noisier space” seen as the “social hub” on campus (“SMC a Case Study for Creating an Active Library” 2014). SMC was so successful that it received accolades from the Higher Education Journal as case study of success for such renovation projects.
SMC’s renovation was not without its losses, however: twelve feet of book shelves were removed, titles were weeded out from the collection due to lack of use, and periodicals subscriptions were suspended due to lack of demand. By moving books off site users’ immediate access to material is being diminished. The much-followed proposed renovation of the 5th Avenue Main Branch of the New York Public Library, which involved moving millions of the books to off-site storage, raised a series of objections from the community, claiming that a disappearance of the physical stacks would rip the “spirit” of the institution away for twenty-first century luxuries (Besteman 2014). The articulated justification for NYPL’s relocation of books was that such changes were necessary to conform to the changing needs of the “information age,” and to make way for different services: tutoring and study spaces, for example (“Reimagining The New York Public Library” 2014). These developments in public libraries to move physical books stacks to offsite storage is one example of dislocating physical material from disenfranchised, subaltern populations that can’t otherwise access digital texts online (Schuman 2014). While NYPL’s books will still be request-able within a twenty-four hour turnaround time, the public still objected—so much so that the NYPL reversed their decision to relocate the material in early May, 2014 (Crain 2014).
But why are libraries moving their stacks? A good question—and the reasons are financially and operationally sound. (1) Libraries are running out of space. American University Library in 2011, for example, estimated that their stacks would “run out of space for the monograph collection in less than five years time,” leaving them no other option than to move books to offsite storage (Reeves and Schmidt 2011, 413). (2) Libraries are also facing new demands by users, as was the case in Texas A&M University Library, whose patrons wished for “more independent and collaborate study and learning spaces within the physical environment of the library” (Tabacaru and Pickett 2013, 112). (3) Library and University staff and faculty need more appropriate teaching spaces as well, leading the co-opting of library space for teaching purposes (Freiburger 2010). (4) Circulation statistics for many titles are low and digital journals are being usurped by the availability of digital access, meaning these items are prime targets for off-site storage and deaccessioning (Reeves and Schmidt 2011, 416–418).  (5) Space is at a premium and it’s expensive to keep underused collections in space that can otherwise be used for other uses (Columbia University Libraries Unknown). Institutions are being pulled in multiple directions to evolve with shifting financial resources and perceived user attitudes.
It is important, however, to reexamine ‘access’ not necessarily from an institutional perspective, but from the perspective of the user. In examining the access/non-access binary as it is expressed in the move to relocate books off-site, there is a conflict between institutional notions of access and what types of access individuals might need—especially underprivileged or sensitive members of the population. Access in an institutional setting is about usage insofar as the space or resources should be utilized for the most individuals at any given time. In Columbia University’s “Investing in the Future of Columbia Libraries and Academic Information Systems” library plan, under the subsection titled “Improving Access to Print Collections,” the plan cites holdings overcrowding, difficulty in finding print material, and the resulting user dissatisfaction, as the impetus to moving books off-site to alleviate these issues (Columbia University Libraries). These institutional reasons, as seen above, are understandable and fiscally appropriate given the funding circumstances for libraries. But what these administrative notions of access fail to account for is how these actions may actually inhibit access on an individuated level, especially to segments of the populations whose seeking-out of information necessitates anonymous and immediate access. For example, numerous studies on medical information seeking behaviors, especially related to HIV, indicate that, due to the sensitivity of the information sought-after, the “social costs” of seeking is high, resulting in “information avoidance” (Veinot et al. 2013, 2). The more libraries send material off-site, the more underrepresented and sensitive groups will be required to encounter (and avoid) administrative structures to access information, such as librarians, paging interfaces, and the need to purchase or sign-up for a library card, etc., for fear that the very act of seeking will expose the private information they are seeking.
Compounding this effect is how such limitations to immediate access are part of a larger economy of knowledge, whereby quality information has become far more difficult to obtain. Questions of quality access become tantamount to questions of how much power you have to gain voice within society. In his first monograph, Two Kinds of Power: An Essay on Bibliographic Control, Patrick Wilson describes two interdependent concepts: exploitative power and descriptive power; the former being the ability of individuals to engage and utilize information (find what they need), while the latter being the organization of information in discoverable infrastructures (where they find it) (Wilson 1968). The titular use of “control” is essential in this context, for the apportionment of a means to access is a “political decision” that either denies or affords access to any given group of constituents (Wilson 1968, 133). The less quickly an individual can access material, the less they can exploit its knowledge to power. And the less immediacy these discoverable infrastructures provide in the procurement of scholarship, the less likely they will be able to utilize information when they need it most. If the library space is to serve as a potential space to give voice to the subaltern voiceless, then unmediated access to information is necessary to achieve this goal.
Depending on the internet to deliver this unmediated, quality access to underrepresented portions of the population is not a reasonable alternative. Full-scale access to quality information online is a figment of the imagination, so expecting individuals to speedily find relevant information online is not a wholly adequate solution. This says nothing of the fact that the internet is expensive and still a luxury to some members of society. Google Scholar and Microsoft Academic Search can certainly find you citations to articles and books, but they can’t provide you access unless you have Virtual Private Network (VPN) access such as that provided by universities. As Siva Vaidhyanathan indicates in his book, The Googlization of Everything,

Google’s search results offer the illusion of precision, accuracy, and relevance. Psychologists at the University of California at Berkeley have even published a study claiming the Google’s Web-search techniques mimics the way humans brains recall information. So it is understandable that we have come to believe that Google’s search rankings are for quality of information, simply an extension of our collective judgment (Vaidhyanathan 2011, 3).

We, as a society, are lulled into believing that we have access to quality and relevant information, but in reality have gained little ground. It is no surprise, then, that individuals rally against less access to book stacks given these circumstances.
My main goal here has been to situate the relocation of library books within a larger landscape of information availability. The operational impetuses to move books off site are understandable. These limitations are practical and undeniable facts of the library environment. But we (and I) should not be so hasty to equate these outcries against the moving of stacks offsite with an unwillingness to accept change or to reminiscences of times past. It’s just not that simple. And while the serendipity of browsing may not be as prevalent (or effective) as some think it to be, nor as old a custom as is generally acknowledged, the symbolic value of being able to do so means something to the public in our contemporary climate (Barclay 2010). What these outcries indicate is a collective fear for our ever-increasing loss of unmediated, un-documented access to information that might potentially play a role in the contingencies of our lives. These objections represent a fear of losing direct access to material—books destined to obfuscation behind another web-based user interface managing the paging of material. What is being lamented is a loss of exploitative power. Whether or not books can be paged from offsite storage in twenty-four quick hours, our institutions should be cognizant of and address the larger ecosystem of information deprivation at play as these decisions are being made. As Olson and Fox indicate, “without input from groups as users or formal advisors, the subaltern in the library will be unable to speak” (“Hope Olson and Melodie J. Fox, ‘Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak: Deconstructionist, Marxist, Feminist, Postcolonialist,’ in C,” 303). To extend this notion, if the library is to be a space where the disenfranchised and the socially marginalized segments of the population can empower themselves with knowledge and social voice, moving books off-site stands as an impediment to easy, free, and anonymous access to the building blocks of mobility.



CITED SOURCES

Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin. 2006. The Post-Colonial Studies Reader. 2 edition. London ; New York: Routledge.

Barclay, Donald. 2010. “The Myth of Browsing: Academic Library Space in the Age of Facebook.” May 19. http://www.americanlibrariesmagazine.org/article/myth-browsing.

Besteman, Catherine. 2014. “An Open Letter from the Faculty Concerning Miller.” The Colby Echo. April 9. http://www.thecolbyecho.com/opinion/an-open-letter-from-the-faculty-concerning-miller.

Burdick, Kelly. 2014. “New York Public Library to Store 3 Million Books... in New Jersey » MobyLives.” Melville House Books. Accessed May 14. http://www.mhpbooks.com/new-york-public-library-to-store-3-million-books-in-new-jersey/.

Columbia University Libraries. Unknown. “Investing in the Future of Columbia’s Libraries and Academic Information Systems”. Columbia University. http://www.columbia.edu/cu/vpaa/docs/libplan.html.

Crain, Caleb. 2014. “The New York Public Library Comes Around.” The New Yorker Blogs. http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/books/2014/05/the-new-york-public-library-comes-around.html.

Derrida, Jacques, and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. 1998. Of Grammatology. Corrected edition. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Fox, Robert, and Crit Stuart. “Creating Learning Spaces Through Collaboration: How One Library Refined Its Approach.” Educause. http://www.educause.edu/ero/article/creating-learning-spaces-through-collaboration-how-one-library-refined-its-approach.

Freiburger, Gary. 2010. “A ‘White Elephant’ in the Library: A Case Study on Loss of Space from the Arizona Health Sciences Library at the University of Arizona.” Journal of the Medical Library Association : JMLA 98 (1): 29–31. doi:10.3163/1536-5050.98.1.011.

“Hope Olson and Melodie J. Fox, ‘Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak: Deconstructionist, Marxist, Feminist, Postcolonialist,’ in C.”

Leckie, Gloria J., Lisa M. Given, and John E. Buschman. 2010. Critical Theory for Library and Information Science: Exploring the Social from Across the Disciplines. 1 edition. Santa Barbara, Calif: Libraries Unlimited.

Reeves, Robert K., and Kari Schmidt. 2011. “Radical Relocation: Adapting Print Collections to an E-Centric World.” The Serials Librarian 61 (3-4): 412–29. doi:10.1080/0361526X.2011.580424.
“Reimagining The New York Public Library.” 2014. Accessed May 15. http://www.nypl.org/yourlibrary/faq.

“Research Library Renovation.” 2014. Accessed May 15. http://www.library.ucla.edu/research-library-renovation.

Schuman, Rebecca. 2014. “Save Our Stacks: It’s Not about the Books. It’s about the Books Representing the Last Place on Campus Where Intellectual Contemplation Thrives.” Slate. Accessed May 13. http://www.slate.com/articles/life/education/2014/05/college_libraries_should_keep_their_books_in_the_stacks.html.

“SMC a Case Study for Creating an Active Library.” 2014. Accessed May 15. http://www.swmich.edu/node/699.

Tabacaru, Simona, and Carmelita Pickett. 2013. “Damned If You Do, Damned If You Don't: Texas A&M University Libraries' Collection Assessment for off-Site Storage.” Collection Building 32 (3): 111–15. doi:10.1108/CB-02-2013-0006.

Vaidhyanathan, Siva. 2011. The Googlization of Everything: (and Why We Should Worry). Berkeley: University of California Press.

Veinot, Tiffany Christine, Chrysta Cathleen Meadowbrooke, Jimena Loveluck, Andrew Hickok, and Jose Artruro Bauermeister. 2013. “How ‘Community’ Matters for How People Interact With Information: Mixed Methods Study of Young Men Who Have Sex With Other Men.” Journal of Medical Internet Research 15 (2): e33. doi:10.2196/jmir.2370.


Wilson, Patrick. 1968. Two Kinds of Power; an Essay on Bibliographical Control. University of California Publications: Librarianship, 5. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Wednesday, May 21, 2014

The Lives of 'Others'


In recent weeks, I have given much thought to the construction of otherness in contemporary theory, and my own use of the figure of the ‘other’ (and to some extent the abject and the subaltern) as a means of grappling with the marginalization and effective de-subjectification of racialized minorities in the U.S. This reconsideration of my thinking on this topic was precipitated by a reading of the “Introduction” to Kelly Oliver’s book Witnessing: Beyond Recognition.[1] In contrast to theorist such as Judith Butler, Michel Foucault, Axel Honneth and Jurgen Habermas, to name but a few, Oliver is insistent on distancing herself from an analysis of the ‘other’ that is based on the impulse to posit a state of otherness whose requisite impoverishment, silence and invisibility functions solely to enable and/or support its dichotomous opposite, the realm of vocal subjectivity. Calling for a contemplation of the subject position of those othered by discourses of subjectivity, Oliver asks if it is possible to “…develop a theory of subjectivity by starting from the position of those othered by dominant culture?”[2] Indeed, how can we begin to think about the ways in which an individual’s sense of subjectivity or agency is altered when s/he “…is objectified through discrimination, domination, oppression, enslavement or torture?”[3]
For her part, Oliver proposes the concept of witnessing, and the concomitant notions of “address-ablility” and “response-ability,” as a means of constructing a vision of subjectivity that recognizes the interdependent and dialogic nature of subject relations, and which attempts to circumvent a condition of being that is reliant on the tropes of oppression and subordination for its constitution. Moreover, she maintains that “…the need to demand recognition [ergo subjectivity] from the dominant culture or group is a symptom of the pathology of oppression,”[4] wherein this recognition “…merely repeats the dynamic of hierarchies, privilege and domination”[5] that already inform and construct human relationships. She goes on to argue against a positing of “…the social struggles manifested in critical race theory, queer theory, feminist theory and various social movements”[6] as struggles for recognition, but as movements and individuals that “…bear witness to a pathos beyond recognition…”[7] that can only be interrogated outside the dichotomy subject/object (other) and through inter-relationality.
I mention Oliver’s work because I believe that it brings to bear a number of issues that arise when we confront the notion of subalternity, and the extent to which the mechanisms of voice and agent witnessing/testimony are addressed in Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s seminal piece, Can the Subaltern Speak?[8]. Critical of the “ventriloquism of the speaking subaltern” that she maintains is the stock-in trade of leftist theorists, Spivak wrestles with the construction of an ‘other’ who while remaining mute, is accorded a sense of agency vis-à-vis theories of liberation that continue to privilege the subjectivity of dominant groups; who, in turn, use socio-political ‘others’ as vehicles for their emancipation. If the subaltern is to be defined as “…a person without lines of social mobility,”[9] then the effort to (re-)constitute the subaltern’s subjective standing necessitates the (re-)introduction into an economy of being that is dependent on subject/other dichotomy that, as Oliver points out, continues to buttress long standing power imbalances and dynamics. Spivak, in asking with “[w]hat voice-consciousness can the subaltern speak?,”[10] further contests efforts to construct a subject regime that is reliant on precisely those “totalizing concepts of power and desire,” that fail to address the breadth and nuance of being and representation.
The failure of voice, the silence of otherness, in this instance is a failure to posit subalternity as the terra firma of subject construction, and the failure to take into account the ways in which the subaltern testify to their material conditions. Indeed, it is the hidden testimonies of women in the records of the East India Company in which Spivak identifies a locus of counter narratives of women’s consciousness and where an alternative economy of subjectivity can be considered. But I wonder to what extent this move continues to rely on dominance as the counterpoint and point of origin for the ‘other’, and to what extent the subaltern woman as located in the organizational narrative of the East India Company can fully wrest herself from her subjective dependence on a more agent, powerful figure. Is Spivak a party to the “pathology of oppression”? Or can we make case for this being a recognition of Oliver’s interrelational nature of subjectivity? Of a co-dependence that holds the promise of the unearthing of parallel histories that articulate more complicated narratives.


[1] Kelly Oliver, Witnessing: Beyond Recognition (U of Minnesota Press, 2001).
[2] Ibid., 6.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid., 9.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ibid., 8.
[7] Ibid.
[8] Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, “Can the Subaltern Speak?” from The Post-Colonial Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1995), 28-38.
[9] Ibid., 28.
[10] Ibid., 32.

Wednesday, May 14, 2014

Civic Engagement and TimeBanks


TimeBanks are community-based systems that facilitate the giving and receiving of services. Central to their function is the concept of time dollars, or time credits. Time functions as a quantified unit of value, or currency that is locally administered, enabling a wider network of reciprocity to unfold. In Los Angeles alone there are thirteen TimeBanks (arroy oseco network 2014). Each TimeBank identifies with their respective neighborhood. Pasadena, Altadena, North East LA, Echo Park, Silverlake, Los Feliz, Glendale, Lincoln Heights, Boyle Heights, Downtown LA, Westlake, West Adams, & Korea Town. 

“The origins of time-based currency can be traced both to the American anarchist Josiah Warren, who ran the Cincinnati Time Store from 1827 until 1830, and to the British industrialist and philanthropist Robert Owen, who founded the utopian "New Harmony" community. While both systems are based on the principles of mutualism and the labor theory of value, Josiah Warren's currency was explicitly pegged to time as a measure of specific goods or labor. For example, 3 hours of carpenter's work would be considered equivalent to 3-12 pounds of corn. Meanwhile, Robert Owen's currency simply bore an inscription referring to a number of hours, which presumably could be exchanged for however many pounds of corn a farmer would deem adequate or labor of any kind.” (Time/Bank 2014) 

Edgar S. Cahn, a professor of law and social justice activist, initially came up with the “TimeBank” design in 1980. “The first successful contemporary time bank was started in 1991 by Paul Glover in Ithaca, New York. ...people began to exchange time, which led to the creation of a time-based currency—the "Ithaca Hours," which even local businesses began to accept, and which still flourishes. Time banking and service exchange have since developed into a full-fledged movement, usually centered around local communities.” (Time/Bank 2014) In the thirty plus years since Cahn’s initial design, a large network of TimeBanks, and other related projects, have spread across the US and Europe.   

“Time banks are like loyalty points for neighbourliness, community building and social inclusion. Activities include befriending, giving lifts, peer tutoring in schools, mentoring, small house-hold repairs and gardening. Each hour of service given earns a time credit, and a broker finds participants to meet others’ requests for help, and keeps track of the exchange of time credits. Credits can be redeemed by purchasing services from other participants, saved for the future, or donated to others.” (Seyfang, 2004)  

Through the administrative function of the TimeBank, the various institutions, groups, and individuals that constitute the TimeBank community, enable a more complex and dynamic exchange of resources outside of the formal economy, than would otherwise be possible. In The Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith argues that prior to currencies, villages functioned through direct bartering. As the story goes, bartering eventually gave way to money, which was followed by systems of debt. In David Graeber’s monumental book Debt: The First 5000 Years he argues that historical developments actually unfolded in, more or less, the opposite direction of the conventional economic parable. Systems of credit and debt emerged well before money. Villages functioned not through on the spot bartering, but through neighborly systems of credit. Graeber explains, that in village life it is in your best interest to having your neighbor slightly in debt to you. Such transactions were only quantified when anger and the risk of violence emerged. According to Graeber, the quantification of value, and the emergence of currencies were deeply linked with the formation of armies; primarily as a means of dealing with the logistics of feeding large armies as they moved around the country. Even as money began to emerge and function as the dominate unit of value, there was unusually so little actual currency in circulation, that most of the economy functioned on credit. Graeber goes on to trace the practices of debt jubilees, where as a mean of stabilizing the economy, all personal debts would be cleared. Central to Graeber’s argument, is the idea that debt between peers is negotiable, while debt across hierarchies is far less flexible. From this perspective, if democracy is to mean anything, it is that everyone has a say in the negotiation of debts. (Graeber 2011)      

With Graeber’s historical research in mind, one can begin to understand the TimeBanks as a quantitative strategy for enabling this traditional neighborly village economy within larger more complex urban settings. Central to the administrative function of the contemporary TimeBank is a short list of open source systems. Administratively managed through the use of an online software, TimeBanks could been seen as part of a possible spectrum of experiments with digital networks and currencies, from TimeBanks, to BitCoin and other autonomous currencies, to Wall Street high-frequency-trading super computers - all of which use software to manage the promise of future value. 

Moments of economic crisis and personal financial uncertainty foreground the fragile social norms that uphold our belief in the value and function of a currency. Such function is predicated on what Foucault might describe as instruments of  ‘governmentality’, or the hegemonic distribution of governance, where individual and group participation is an integral feature of contemporary architectures of power. There is an agonistic quality to Foucault’s critiques, that one can leverage to evaluate the community centric rhetoric of TimeBanks, and the function of “participation” in civic life. Whether it be TimeBanks or other civic projects, there are clear connections between the language of “collaboration” and the withdrawal and erosion of public services. Volunteerism will never effectively replace paid labor; nor do most of these efforts hope to do so. But the question remains, to what extent do self-organized communities build greater democratic power versus enable further withdrawal of formal benefits and services? Certainly there is no single answer to this question, but rather a slew of moving targets and conditions. One thing is certain, freedom and social responsibility are bound together, the legibility of which is dependent upon systems of governance and power. Out of pragmatic necessity one must eventually claim an ethical position, that translates into instrumentalized systems that adjust to shifting goals and conditions.       

In Seyfang’s 2004 study of an inner city TimeBank from Glasgow, she found that TimeBank members were disproportionally unemployed and came from low-income, and rental households. In the UK, which has a stronger welfare system compared to the US, TimeBanks have been embraced by local authorities and promoted within “deprived” and “excluded” areas.  Embraced by New Labour as a kind of self-help extension of the welfare state, TimeBanks quickly multiplied and spread across the country in the early and mid two-thousands. By contrast in the US, TimeBanks have been much more inline with cooperative groups, community organizing, and resource mapping initiatives; or what might be described as prefigurative politics. The main critique of prefigurative politics, or “being the change you want to see,” is that “it can lend itself to... depoliticised lifestylism – reducing social change to a matter of individual choices (and often consumption choices), creating self-satisfied, judgmental communities that are oblivious to how the availability of choice is in itself socially determined.” (Gerdes)  

So while there are considerable differences in the wider conditions informing TimeBanks, the Glasgow case study offers two generalizable points. 1) Smaller TimeBanks can struggle with “skill gaps,” where a lack of skills within the existing network makes it less likely that the TimeBank will meet the needs of everyone. 2) The success of TimesBanks (measured by circulation of time credits, and the less quantifiable outcome of helping to “stitch together the social fabric”) is largely informed by partnerships with local organizations in addition to individuals.  

 
KoreaTown Los Angeles, source: skylinescenes.com

I recently sat down with Sean, the main administrator, from the KoreaTown TimeBank. Ktown is in central Los Angeles and according the LA Times it is the most population dense area in Los Angeles, with 120,000 residents in 2.7 square miles. With roughly seventy members, and just over a year old, the Ktown TimeBank is one of the younger and smaller of the Los Angeles TimeBanks. The “Arroy Oseco Network” as it’s known, was started in the mid two-thousands, with a total membership of a few thousand people. Silver Lake and Echo Park are apparently the larger, and most active in the network. Sean explained that a lot of people like the idea of the TimeBank, but the one hour orientation meeting is a hurtle that most people never make it past. “You have to really want it.” And even for those that manage to make the meeting, most of them don't realize the many things they can contribute, or gain from the TimeBank. Sean explained that it takes considerable energy and discussion for the new members to fully understand and appreciate all the things one can contribute and ask for. According to Sean, the TimeBank functions as a kind of “social club,” where friendships can potentially emerge. As a framework, the group meetings and online system,  facilitate “a lot of small things, that in aggregate become huge - become most of life.”  

In the past, the Los Angeles Metro offered TimeBank members a seventy percent discount on their annual Metro pass. Having appreciated the idea of the TimeBank for sometime, it was the incentive of a cheaper Metro card that initially motivated Sean to join. Sean doesn’t drive, he’s an avid cyclist. He is in his mid thirties, and works as a freelance graphic designer, so his schedule is somewhat flexible. I asked him about the demographics of the TimeBank. “Do you think the Ktown TimeBank members are more likely to be, under, or unemployed?” Sean doesn’t have any facts or figures on the matter, but anecdotally he doesn’t think so. Many of the members are creative industry types that freelance or have flexible schedules for some reason or another, but there are also some housewives, and retirees. So while it seems quite possible the demographics of the Ktown TimeBank reflects a certain degree of privilege, Sean did make a point of saying that it has brought him into contact with people he would never otherwise meet.          

hand drawn map of Ktown, source: 
http://arroyoseco.timebanks.org/neighborhoods/185




References 

"About Timebanks USA | TimeBanks USA." TimeBanks USA. N.p., n.d. Web. 07 May 2014.http://timebanks.org/about/

Arroyo Seco Timebanks. N.p., n.d. Web.Los Angeles Network of TimeBanks http://arroyoseco.timebanks.org/page/about-neighborhoods

E-flux Timebank. N.p., n.d. Web.About the e-flux time bank project http://e-flux.com/timebank/about

"Endnotes." : The History of Subsumption. N.p., n.d. Web. 07 May 2014.http://endnotes.org.uk/en/endnotes-the-history-of-subsumption
Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Pantheon, 1977. Print.

Graeber, David. Debt: The First 5000 Years. New York: Melville, 2011. Print.
"Issue 7." Protests Past and Protest Futures. N.p., n.d. Web. 07 May 2014.Prefigurative Politics and Climate Camps http://joaap.org/7/climatecamp.html

"The Make-believe World of David Graeber: Reflections on the Ideology Underlying the Failed Occupation of Zuccotti Park - Andrew Kliman." The Make-believe World of David Graeber: Reflections on the Ideology Underlying the Failed Occupation of Zuccotti Park - Andrew Kliman. N.p., n.d. Web. 07 May 2014.https://libcom.org/library/make-believe-world-david-graeber-reflections-ideology-underlying-failed-occupation-zucco

Seyfang, G. "Time Banks: Rewarding Community Self-help in the Inner City?" Community Development Journal 39.1 (2004): 62-71. Print.

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